- This paper consists of seven (7) questions
- Answer a total of five (5) questions. Question number one (1) is COMPULSORY
- Write your Number on every page of your answer sheet provided
1. Account for development of second exploitative mode of production
The second exploitative mode of production, commonly identified as feudalism, emerged through a complex historical process that transformed earlier social formations. This system developed as a transitional phase between slavery and capitalism, characterized by new forms of surplus extraction and class relations.
First, the collapse of the Roman Empire created conditions where decentralized local lords became the primary sources of protection and governance. As central authority weakened, former slaves and peasants increasingly sought protection from local strongmen, exchanging labor for security. This patron-client relationship formed the basis of feudal obligations.
Second, the Viking, Magyar, and Muslim invasions of the 9th-10th centuries accelerated this process by demonstrating the need for localized defense systems. The resulting castles and knightly classes institutionalized the feudal hierarchy, with serfs bound to the land they worked while providing military service or agricultural surplus to their lords.
Third, the Christian Church played a crucial ideological role in legitimizing this system. By sanctifying the three-estate model (those who pray, those who fight, and those who work), religious authorities provided moral justification for the exploitative relationships while themselves becoming major feudal landowners.
Fourth, technological limitations made centralized control impossible. With primitive transportation and communication networks, only localized systems of production and governance could function effectively, making the manorial system a practical necessity despite its exploitative nature.
Fifth, the system was reinforced by legal structures that codified serfdom. Documents like the Domesday Book in England (1086) formalized land tenure relationships while eliminating alternative social arrangements that might have been less exploitative.
Finally, the economic stagnation following the collapse of Mediterranean trade networks necessitated self-sufficient agricultural units. The manor became both an economic and social unit where exploitation was masked by reciprocal obligations and the naturalization of social hierarchies.
1. Account for development of second exploitative mode of production. Give six points
The transition from primitive communism to feudalism as the second major exploitative mode of production resulted from several interrelated historical processes. First, the development of agricultural surplus enabled social stratification, as some individuals could control resources beyond their immediate needs. This created the material basis for class divisions between landowners and laborers.
Second, the collapse of centralized empires like Rome led to localized systems of protection where peasants exchanged labor for security from warrior elites. This reciprocal but unequal relationship became institutionalized through feudal contracts and oaths of fealty that bound peasants to the land while granting lords control over surplus production.
Third, technological advancements in farming tools and techniques increased productivity, making systematic extraction of surplus possible. The heavy plow, three-field system, and horse collar allowed for greater agricultural output that could support non-producing classes like nobility and clergy.
Fourth, religious institutions played a crucial ideological role in legitimizing feudal relations. The Christian Church's doctrine of the Great Chain of Being naturalized social hierarchy while the Church itself became a major landowner extracting surplus through tithes and labor obligations.
Fifth, the Viking and Magyar invasions of the 9th-10th centuries accelerated feudalization by demonstrating the need for localized defense systems. This led to the proliferation of castles and knightly classes that became the military backbone of the feudal order.
Finally, the manorial system became self-reinforcing through customary laws and inheritance practices that bound generations of peasants to the same land under the same obligations, creating a stable but exploitative economic system that dominated medieval Europe for centuries.
2. With six points discuss the importance of studying African and European levels of development in the contemporary societies.
Comparative study of African and European development trajectories provides crucial insights for understanding contemporary global inequalities. First, it reveals how historical factors like colonialism created path dependencies that continue to influence economic performance. Europe's early industrialization and colonial extraction established patterns of core-periphery relations that persist in modern trade systems.
Second, examining institutional development helps explain governance differences. Europe's gradual evolution of strong state institutions contrasts with Africa's post-colonial challenges of building effective governance structures amid artificial borders and diverse ethnic compositions.
Third, technological diffusion patterns show how knowledge transfers occurred unevenly. While Europe benefited from centuries of cumulative innovation, Africa faced systematic barriers to technological adoption during colonial periods when development was oriented toward resource extraction rather than local capacity building.
Fourth, demographic histories illuminate current population dynamics. Europe's demographic transition occurred alongside industrialization, while Africa's rapid population growth in the 20th century happened without corresponding economic transformation, creating unique developmental challenges.
Fifth, cultural frameworks of economic behavior differ significantly. The Protestant work ethic thesis contrasts with African communal production systems, highlighting how cultural factors interact with economic development in complex ways that resist simplistic modernization narratives.
Finally, such comparative study fosters more nuanced policy approaches by demonstrating that development is not linear and that African societies may require solutions tailored to their specific historical experiences rather than imported European models.
3. After the Second World War, American governments under Harry S. Truman, John F. Kennedy and L. Johnson showed the willingness to push equal right for all Afro-Americans. With six points argue for the change of attitude in favour of civil rights
The post-war period witnessed a significant shift in federal attitudes toward civil rights due to several converging factors. First, the ideological contradiction between fighting fascism abroad while maintaining segregation at home became untenable. The "Double V" campaign (victory over fascism abroad and racism at home) gained momentum, with African American veterans demanding the democracy they had fought to defend.
Second, the Cold War context made racial discrimination a liability in international relations. Soviet propaganda effectively highlighted American racism, undermining U.S. claims to moral leadership in the decolonizing world. This geopolitical pressure motivated administrations to address civil rights as a national security imperative.
Third, the Great Migration had created powerful northern black voting blocs that could influence national elections. By 1948, black voters held the balance of power in key industrial states, forcing Truman to embrace civil rights despite southern Democratic opposition.
Fourth, the Brown v. Board of Education decision (1954) created a constitutional mandate for desegregation that presidents could not ignore. While Eisenhower had been reluctant, Kennedy and Johnson recognized the need for executive leadership to enforce judicial rulings.
Fifth, the economic boom of the 1950s-60s made racial discrimination increasingly inefficient. As the economy shifted toward mass consumption and service industries, excluding black workers and consumers became economically counterproductive.
Finally, the moral force of the Civil Rights Movement, particularly its nonviolent direct action campaigns, created crises that demanded federal response. Television coverage of police brutality in Birmingham (1963) and Selma (1965) shocked national conscience and made legislative action politically unavoidable.
4. With specific reference to Tanganyika, show how the colonialists responded to the impacts of the capitalistic crisis of 1930's to 1940s. Give six points
The Great Depression and subsequent wartime economy profoundly shaped colonial policy in Tanganyika. First, the collapse of commodity prices led to the Native Coffee Scheme (1933) which restricted African coffee growing to protect European planters, demonstrating how crisis responses reinforced racial economic hierarchies.
Second, the colonial administration intensified peasant commodity production through compulsory cultivation schemes. The 1932 Native Cotton Ordinance forced peasants to grow cotton in specified amounts, shifting risk from European firms to African producers during market fluctuations.
Third, the government established marketing boards like the Tanganyika Agricultural Corporation (1933) to control crop prices and stabilize export earnings. These institutions systematically disadvantaged African producers while guaranteeing supplies to metropolitan industries.
Fourth, infrastructure development focused on extractive efficiency rather than broad development. The expansion of the Central Line railway to the Southern Highlands (completed 1948) facilitated sisal transport while neglecting food crop regions.
Fifth, wartime needs prompted the Groundnut Scheme (1946-51), a disastrous mechanized farming project that reflected colonial desperation for dollar-earning exports regardless of local ecological or economic suitability.
Finally, the crisis period saw increased state intervention in labor markets through the Native Labour Ordinance (1932) and subsequent regulations that controlled worker mobility while keeping wages artificially low to maintain plantation profitability during economic turbulence.
5. Assess six impacts of the expansion of transport and communication systems in the colonies after 1945
The postwar expansion of colonial infrastructure had multifaceted consequences. First, improved roads and railways facilitated labor migration from rural reserves to urban centers and plantations, accelerating proletarianization and disrupting traditional social structures.
Second, communication networks like radio broadcasting enabled nationalist movements to coordinate activities across wider areas. The Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) effectively used these channels to build mass support in the 1950s.
Third, transportation improvements deepened export-oriented economies by reducing costs for primary commodity extraction. The Uganda Railway expansion, for instance, intensified cotton and coffee production in previously inaccessible regions.
Fourth, these systems created new patterns of spatial inequality, favoring regions connected to transport networks while marginalizing others. This legacy continues to influence development disparities in postcolonial nations.
Fifth, modern infrastructure served as both symbol and instrument of colonial modernity, simultaneously demonstrating imperial power while creating physical systems that nationalists would inherit and repurpose after independence.
Finally, the strategic military value of transport networks during World War II had demonstrated their importance for colonial control, leading to postwar investments meant to strengthen imperial security during rising nationalist challenges.
6. "While the USA pressurized France and Britain to grant independence in their African colonies, The things were contrary to the Portuguese colonies" Why? Give six reasons
The differential decolonization experiences reflected distinct geopolitical and economic realities. First, Portugal's authoritarian Salazar regime (1932-68) viewed colonies as integral provinces, rejecting the very concept of decolonization that more democratic Western powers reluctantly accepted.
Second, Angola and Mozambique's white settler populations (unlike most French/British Africa) formed powerful lobbies that successfully resisted metropolitan pressure for reform, creating internal political dynamics distinct from other colonial situations.
Third, Portugal's economic underdevelopment made colonies more crucial to its fragile economy. By 1960, African colonies accounted for 11% of Portuguese GDP compared to under 2% for Britain, creating greater resistance to change.
Fourth, the strategic value of Azores airbase gave Portugal leverage over NATO allies who might otherwise have pressured harder for decolonization, as the U.S. prioritized Cold War military needs over anticolonial principles.
Fifth, Portugal's late industrialization meant its colonial economy remained extractive and labor-repressive longer than Britain's or France's, creating more violent resistance that met with brutal counterinsurgency rather than negotiation.
Finally, the unique timing of Portuguese decolonization (1974-75) coincided with the collapse of its authoritarian regime, unlike the managed transitions in British/French Africa, demonstrating how metropolitan political structures shaped colonial outcomes.
7. The demand for the New Constitution in Tanzania is like the demand of the thirst man in the desert of which he is in need of quenching his thirst but unable to reach water sources. Discuss by using six points
The constitutional reform debate in Tanzania reflects profound democratic aspirations facing structural constraints. First, while multiparty democracy created expectations for constitutional overhaul since 1992, the union structure between Tanganyika and Zanzibar presents unique legal complexities that stall comprehensive reform.
Second, the ruling party's dominance in constitutional review processes creates skepticism about genuine transformation. The 2014 Constituent Assembly proceedings, where opposition walked out, demonstrated how power asymmetries can frustrate meaningful change.
Third, the two-government union system generates competing priorities. Zanzibar's push for greater autonomy often conflicts with mainland perspectives on national unity, creating political deadlock on constitutional matters.
Fourth, economic development priorities frequently overshadow governance reforms. The state's focus on industrialization and infrastructure projects diverts attention from constitutional debates despite their long-term importance.
Fifth, generational tensions emerge as youth demand more progressive constitutional provisions on issues like term limits and civil liberties, while older political elites resist changes that might diminish their authority.
Finally, the very success of Tanzania's political stability becomes an argument against radical constitutional change, with establishment figures warning against "fixing what isn't broken," even as democratic deficits persist.
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